Introduction. Research Questions and Methodology.

After the revolution of 1917, Bolsheviks brought forward a “breath taking idea,” the greatest experiment in the world history[1] – create a physically and mentally superior human being, new type of man. This New Soviet Man/Person was pictured as a completely perfect creature – “the best man”[2] – hero and role model: intelligent, diligent, active citizen, athletic and physically capable. Upbringing of the New Man became a key concept of the Soviet pedagogy.

Teachers had to follow a strict plan: creation of the New Man was based on seven basic principles or, translating directly from the Russian, seven directions of upbringing,[3] namely, intellectual, atheistic, moral, patriotic, aesthetic education, physical training and education for productive labour.[4] End product of the schooling should be versatile and developed personality, perfect citizen of the (authoritarian) country.[5] Creation of the New Man involves all available resources, including nature.

Objective of my study is to reveal, (1) how nature was developed into a pedagogical tool in the formation of New Soviet Man; (2) how authoritarian power converted nature into ideological symbols of propaganda. I will also discover some specifics of Soviet pedagogy in using the nature.

As the study source I selected textbooks used in the Soviet Russia and Baltic States after the Second World War until 1982. Textbooks in the Soviet Union was a very effective promulgator of the official state opinion, guide in separating “right” from “wrong” forming the worldview of both teachers and students. Wife of the Bolshevik leader Lenin, ideologist and founder of communistic education Nadezhda Krupskaya (1869–1939) emphasized that textbooks should be based on “principally politic issues.”[6] Hence clear and evident is the message that task of textbooks in the Soviet school is not only providing knowledge but also propagating definite political ideology. Watchful eyes of censors followed this performance.

In my study, I used primers and language textbooks with the assumption that ABCs and readers not only teach children how to read and write but also purposefully form worldview, canon of values and collective memory.[7]

Historic situation determined time-frame of my study – Baltic States were incorporated in the USSR after the war but in 1982 “era” of Brezhnev ended and Advent of the Gorbatschow perestroika started when education field in USSR significantly changed and took a course in the direction of democracy. Study analyses 23 text books, of which 4 are published in Moscow, 16 – in Riga, 2 – in Kaunas and 1 – in Tallinn. 50 items of  text and 64 images were used for content analysis. For structuring of the study, I selected previously mentioned seven New Man upbringing principles, id. est., I analysed how nature is applied in each of these directions to create the New Soviet Man.

Works about the political iconography, particularly symbols of Soviet propaganda, comprises theoretic focus of the study.[8] To make interpretation of the symbols borrowed from nature more clear, I will draft also the ideological and pedagogical context of the shaping of New Soviet Man.

 

Images of nature in seven New Soviet Man upbringing principles

Intellectual education. Popular slogan of Soviet times was “We can’t wait for charity from nature, we must conquer it”.[9] Use and conquering of nature was an intellectual challenge requiring knowledge that the Soviet people mastered already during the school years. Invitation “Let’s study nature!” was heard during the lessons and outside school.

Schools had a special “live nature corners” where children took care of animals and plants. Pupils living in cities created vegetable gardens on the windowsills or in the school yard.

Textbooks created a future perspective for the studies of nature. They demonstrated examples of subduing the nature accomplished by Soviet Man. Moscow-Volga channel was one of the success stories. In 1949, textbook in German language was published in Riga providing a topic about the inability to build the Moscow-Volga channel during the times of old, czarist Russia but Soviet Union was able to accomplish it. Channel served as the symbol of superiority not only over the old state system but also over the capitalist world: see, it took 35 years to build Panama channel but Soviet channel was ready in five years (1932–1937).[10]

Also draining of marshes was considered as another Soviet success story (“when there were marshes earlier, now fields of grain are growing”[11]) and creation of new seas.[12] Textbook declared: “Soviet people are very brave in transforming the nature.”[13]

Ivan Michurin (1855–1935) became an icon in the conquering and transforming the nature. He was Russian botanic who were engaged in the cultivating of crops and accommodating fruit-trees to grow in the Northern conditions. Images and stories of Michurin and his accomplishments are found not only in the textbooks of biology but also native language.[14] Teaching of Michurin was especially popular in the beginning of 1950s – time when Trofim Lysenko (1898–1976) exercised dictatorial powers in biology with the blessing of Communist Party.[15] Soviet propaganda added deeper meaning to the ideas of Michurin and Lysenko – everything is subjugated to the state (Communistic Party) as it has the power to change both nature and people.

Turing point in the protection of the natural resources of USSR was only in 1977, when the new Soviet Constitution anticipated the protection of the environment and called upon the present generation to safeguard nature’s resources for the future. Ecological education was implemented in schools starting from 1980.[16]

Education for productive labour. Although official opinion in the Soviet Union proclaimed complete equality of all social groups, physical labour was recognized as especially valuable. Work during which sweat pours down the forehead, the outcome of which can be measured and immediately applicable. During the revolution of 1917 workers of physical labour were recognized as the main members of the Soviet society, ruling class of Bolsheviks[17] and until the collapse of USSR proletariat was “the collective hero of world history,” “the chosen people of Marxism-Leninism.”[18]

It led to glorification of physical labour in pedagogy. Workers were “overly poeticized.”[19] Wonderful world of the physical labour was propagated in the textbooks, posters and during campaigns in schools.[20] Already since birth exemplary Soviet children was working instead of playing.

Nature provided an environment for the children to master practical skills of physical labour. Images of textbooks show pupils working in the orchards and vegetable gardens, fields, taking care of domestic animals. Workers are dressed into the parade uniforms of Red Pioneers[21]  which, of course, are totally unsuitable for work. Though the reader immediately could understand who these positive heroes are – members of the communistic children’s organisation. So, ideologically correctly orientated children are doing good deeds.

Textbooks show that everyone is doing productive work, not only people but also animals: hedgehog catches mouse, birds catch insects harming the gardens,[22] sheep gives wool, chicken – eggs, cow – milk,[23] dog does not only protect the house but also helps the Soviet border guards.[24]

Inanimate nature works as productively. Power stations are built on rivers, meaning that rivers are making electricity[25]. Without the slightest remorse, instead with pride textbooks of 1970s show images of logged forests and products that can be made from wood, for example, plywood.[26] Images of textbooks are excellent illustration of the change of interpretation of visual sources, namely, they show how the image was interpreted in the context of past and how we are seeing it today,[27]  when the attitude regarding particular phenomenon (in this case – natural resources) have changed dramatically.

Physical training. Physically trained, healthy body was required for the productive labour. Good physical condition was also important in the state protection. Since 1939, military training was periodically included in the curriculums of Soviet schools[28] and Soviet textbooks promoted physical activities as hikes in nature. Red Pioneers are marching in outdoors, setting up camps.[29] When pioneers rest, nature is usually pictured as romantic and beautiful – we see rivers, hills and groves. But when the pioneers march or stand in line, also nature adjusts – there are trees in rigid, clear lines in the images. Quoting Elias Canetti – forest is symbolically closely connected to the army, forest is a place “for each grows straight.”[30] State protection, alongside the productive work, was important mission of the Soviet Man[31] and “conquering” the nature during hikes physically prepared him/her for these duties.

We can easily find analogues to the sort-of informal but strictly supervised collective activities of Soviet children in the nature, also in other authoritarian regimes – Franko in Spain[32] and Hitler in Germany.[33]

Moral education. Images of textbooks where pupils (Red Pioneers) spend time outside school – in nature, rarely picture only one person. Everyone is working, marching and exercising in groups, “heroic collectivity”[34] forms identity of the Soviet Man.[35] It is yet another significant characteristic of the New Man – all his/her life takes place amongst other people, in front of their eyes. Therefore his/her actions are constantly observed, evaluated and controlled. If you take a step from the moral norms, immediately several pairs of eyes will follow you (reminding of Big Brother in Orwell’s anti-utopia “1984”).

Desirable virtues in the textbooks of youngest grades were showed through images of animals that are used as examples of virtuous or, contrary, immoral action. For example, hare has a split lip because it lies, dog remains without food as it does not want to share and goat fell into the water as it was obstinate.[36]

Patriotic and international education. As the New Soviet Man is a political project, then “teaching” of ideology is of great importance. Nature here is used in various forms.

Soviet Man has to take pride into his/her land, best and most powerful country in the world. Soviet Union textbooks regularly are using the word “mighty.” Mighty is the USSR nature conquering and transforming policy we described earlier. Also beauty of nature of the Soviet Union serves as a portrayal of its mightiness: “Our Homeland – the mighty Soviet Union. We love its large fields, grand mountains, swift rivers. (..) We love its blooming fields of kolkhoz giving generous harvest in autumn.”[37] “Here our fields are blooming, here are the sounds of waves of our sea.”[38] These descriptions show image of super-large, super-dynamic, super-beautiful and super-productive country. And the New Soviet Man has to be just like that.

The same as in homeland, Soviet Man has to take pride into the leader of the country personifying image of the ruling power. Idolizing of the leader was integral part of the patriotic upbringing that reached its peak during the post-war Stalin years (1945–1955[39]). Nature related metaphors are widely used to showcase personality of the leader and describe his works. Stalin is compared to the oak, country prospers like the “forest of Stalin works.”[40] Leader resembles the sun: “Lenin shines like a sun to all of us”[41] “Then the sun raised – Stalin’s sun.”[42] It is not difficult to notice that nature images that are “timeless” like sun and mighty like oak are used to describe the leaders.

Very strong metaphor in the Latvian culture are flowers. Semantically in Latvian language word “ziedi (flowers)” are closely related to the word “ziedojums” (donation). Thus, many textbooks show an image where children present flowers to the Leader. During festivities portraits of leaders and slogans were adorned with flower garlands.[43] Groups of children placed flowers on the memorials of heroes or by the Lenin monument.[44] Flowers are presented as symbol of international friendship (for example, Latvian kids give flowers to Russian kids[45]). It is important for the flowers to be red, we will clarify this matter further.

In all cases flowers are presented as the symbol of gratitude, respect and, probably, also humbleness.

As the New Soviet Man together with others had to get involved in the “community of new men” – Soviet nation that anticipated levelling out of national characteristics,[46] then one of the tasks of the school was to introduce and “bring closer” – in Russian and Latvian this word is of broad semantic meaning – introduce, encourage friendship, cooperation – nations residing in the Soviet Union. Textbooks used river as metaphor uniting various Soviet people. Daugava runs through places where Latvians, Russians and Byelorussians are residing. Text explains: “Our Homeland has many rivers flowing through regions where Soviet nations live. (..) Latvians, Byelorussians and Russians love Daugava and call it their river.”[47] River becomes a symbol of unity, togetherness and “bringing people closer”.

Aesthetic education. Aesthetic upbringing of the New Man included various activities of students both during the study process and outside it. Teachers had a task to develop “ability to see, understand and respect beauty in all its forms” – glory and beauty of heroic act, pleasure and beauty of work, power of art, cleanliness and order at school, ability to look simply and nicely, act with confidence.[48]

We already discussed poetizing the physical labour and making it more aesthetic and also understanding of the beauty of nature in USSR. Still there are some aesthetic elements left being part of the creation of New Man.

Soviet Union honoured only red colour – symbol of blood shed during revolution. Significance also is to the fact that semantically words krasnij (red) and krasivij (beautiful) are similar in Russian. Therefore, heroes from the textbook images received red flowers, also red flowers were put on the monuments – roses, carnations, tulips and cyclamens. Red coloured flowers blossom in the garden[49] and are given as a present during National holidays.[50]

Referring to textbooks, important question is not only what is included into them, but also what is left out.[51] Speaking about the colour of flowers, it is worth mentioning hidden symbols of nature in the Soviet Latvia textbooks: creating the images, it was carefully followed not to have a red-white-red colour combination in the flower settings, though from aesthetic point of view this colour combination is tasteful. Red-white-red was taboo as those were the colours of the Latvian national flag and after the abolishing of the Latvian state in 1940, communists prohibited its use. In this case the textbooks of Soviet Latvia reveal, borrowing words from Priem, “the fear of a metaphorical relationship of language, objects and knowledge that is tainted by past.[52]”

Atheistic education. Already from the first day after the 1917 revolution in the Soviet Russia and later in the Soviet Union, the state propagated atheism was practiced, prohibiting teaching of religion and religious rituals (including Christmas and Easter) in the public space.[53] But not a single analysed textbook mentioned neither religion, nor fighting against it. Currently I lack reasonable interpretation to this fact. It is especially puzzling as several resolutions of the Communistic Party were issued during the time period from 1940s to 1960s about intensification of the instruction of “scientific atheism”[54] and, for example, anti-religious propaganda was a very popular topic in the Soviet posters.

 

Conclusions

Analysis of the elements of nature within seven upbringing principles of the New Soviet Man reveals how nature was made a propaganda tool in Soviet/Communist pedagogy. Master narrative was the following: nature shows grandeur of the Soviet Man and his/her state. Stories and images of the textbooks reveal that Soviet Man is able to subdue and use the nature (see slogan “let’s conquer the nature!” [55]). Texts emphasized the name Soviet Man as the conqueror of nature, presenting him/her as part of special and successful political order. Large nature transformation projects (new channels, power stations, selection of plants etc.) was an achievement exactly of the Soviet Man, attestation also of the grandeur and wide scope of the country. Message was clear – not only people but also nature obeyed the Soviet regime. Soviet power is omnipotent. Soviet Man takes the place of God.

Nature in textbooks are also symbol of the productive work – nature produces electricity, wood, food etc. In the society glorifying physical labour, nature, though conquered, was beautiful, respectful and valuable. Nature was yet another attestation that everyone is working in the Soviet Union – both people, hills and rivers. This is the world order and it is correct one. As Bonnell noted, Bolsheviks were distinguished from most other left-wing radical parties and groups by their profound commitment to a monolithic view of the truth.[56]

Nature was “productive” also in the figurative sense: from nature was “obtained” symbols to legitimize, explain and propagate the state, the leader and the Soviet regime. Traditionally positively labelled elements of nature like sun, spring, flowers and sea was embedded in the iconography of the Soviet rule.

This process provided redefining of symbols or “cultural recycling”, Calhoun[57] and Priem[58] refers to, id. est., adding a new meaning to the old, verified symbols (sun, spring, red colour etc.) – Soviet ruling transferred their positive and easily comprehensible code onto its ideology, putting old and well-known symbols into new reality.[59] Rephrasing Priem, symbols “have an emotionally charged and nationally fixed level of meaning.”[60] For example, “My precious home, school, and sun, wind and air, and five-pointed star and red scarf.”[61] The fact that natural phenomena are also (relatively) forever, bore the message that the Soviet state and its heroes are equally eternal.

Symbols of nature were regularly repeated in the textbooks, though leaders of the country changed. As Calhoun emphasizes, “Standardized and repeated elements are critically important, (..) because they help symbolically construct and reinforce an all-encompassing worldview.”[62] Officially approved phrases were constantly refined, reproduced, and disseminated.[63] Nature helped in creating excellent Soviet myths and not a single authoritarian ruling can survive without those.[64]

Nature in the textbooks set a stage for the Soviet Man to prosper intellectually, physically and morally. Fighting with nature, person hardened ones intellectual, moral and physical abilities. Only the most clever, courageous and powerful were able to conquer the nature and gather its products. But even they were not able to do it on their own. Therefore, nature encouraged to work as a collective/team and it did not allow the Soviet Man to digress from the “path” of virtue.

Apparent is the military terminology in the relations of the Soviet Man with nature and characteristics of the soldier in the image of the transformer and conqueror of nature – courage and physical strength.

To every phenomenon of nature that was involved in the Soviet pedagogy, ideology provided “additional meanings or functions,”[65] putting in other words, under authoritarianism, every phenomenon has an ideological value (positive or negative) and therefore guides everyone towards a “correct” understanding.[66] In Soviet textbooks, nature provided “road signs” for the development of the New Soviet Man and became storage of political symbols.

 

Iveta Kestere (University of Latvia)

 

[1] James Bowen, A History of Western Education. Vol. 3. The Modern West Europa and the New World. London, Methuen & Co LTD, 1981, 484-526.

[2] Jon Savage & Olga Velikanova, Re-creating of Mankind: The Philosophy and Actualization of the “New Soviet Man”. University of North Texas, 2011 https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc84360/

[3] Upbringing directions in the Soviet textbooks of educational sciences/pedagogy range from four to seven. Also names of these directions have changed in the course of years. As a foundation, I used the textbook in pedagogy of Tatyana Ilyin; published in Moscow in 1968 and used in the teacher training for almost three decades.

[4] Tatjana Iljina, Pedagoģija [Pedagogy]. Riga: Zvaigzne, 1971.

[5] “Through this purely idealistic vision that was taken from Marx and Engels, Lenin and his party carried out their utopian reforms in the hopes of recreating the perfect citizens.” Savage, Jon & Velikanova, Olga. Re-creating of Mankind: The Philosophy and Actualization of the „New Soviet Man” University of North Texas: https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc84360/, 2011.

[6] “Question about the writing principles of text book, of course, is based on large, principal political issues.” Nadezda K. Krupskaya, “Nationalniy ucebnik [National textbook]”, 1931, in Sobranija socinenij [Complete Works], Moskva: http://www.detskiysad.ru/ped/ped376.html, 1959.

[7] M. Grever and T. Van der Viles, “Why National Narratives are perpetuated: A Literature Review on New Insights from History Textbook Research.” London Review of Education, 2017, No.15 (2), 288.

[8] Victoria E. Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997; Sergei Prozorov, The Biopolitics of Stalinism. Ideology and Life in Soviet Socialism. Edinburgh: University Press, 2016; Gloria Calhoun, Saints Into Soviets: Russian Orthodox Symbolism and Soviet Political Posters. Theses, Gorgia State University, 2014, 15, https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1089&context=history_theses

[9] Tatiana R. Zaharchenko, “Enviromental Policy in the Soviet Union” Enviromental Law and Policy Journal, No.14, 1990. https://environs.law.ucdavis.edu/volumes/14/1/articles/zaharchenko.pdf

[10] N. Bergmane un A. Izvoļenska, Deutsch. Vācu valoda. Mācību grāmata septiņgadīgās skolas 7.klasei [German. Textbook for 7th grade]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1949, 78-79.lpp.

[11] Z. Lubāniete, L. Bērzāja, L. Vuškalne, Ābece 1.klasei [Primer for the 1st grade]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1955, 59.

[12] Ibid, 81.

[13] Ibid.

[14] A. Čiplys ir S. Pupeikis, Saulite. Elementarius [Sun. Primer]. Valstybine Pedagogines Literatūros Ledykla, 1954.

[15] William W.Brickman and John T. Zepper, Russian and Soviet Education, 1731 – 1989. New York&London: Garland Publishing, INC, 1992, 37.

[16] Ibid, 45, 48.

[17] N. K. Krupskaya, Socialno-politiceskaja rabota v skolah-klubah dlja podrostkov [Socio-political work in school-clubs for teenagers], 1920, in “Sobranija socinenij” [Complete Works], Moskva: http://www.detskiysad.ru/ped/ped305.html, 1959.

[18] Victoria E. Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, 22, 128.

[19] Jon Savage & Olga Velikanova, Re-creating of Mankind: The Philosophy and Actualization of the “New Soviet Man”. University of North Texas, 2011 https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc84360/

[20] School system of Soviet Union experienced several campaigns related to the productive labour where part of the curriculum was work of students in factories and kolkhoz (1920s-1930s, 1970s-1980s), “bringing the school closer to life” (1958), “preparation of students for socially useful labour” (1977 and 1981). See William W.Brickman and John T. Zepper, Russian and Soviet Education, 1731 – 1989. New York&London: Garland Publishing, INC, 1992, 42, 48-49.

[21] A. Čiplys ir S. Pupeikis, Saulite. Elementarius [Sun. Primer]. Valstybine Pedagogines Literatūros Ledykla, 1954; L. Alttoa ja H. Raigne, Aabits. Tallinn: Eesti Riiklik Kirjastus, 1955.

[22] Kārlis Krauliņš, Ābece. 4.izdevums [Primer. 4th edition]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1946.

[23] Ed. Ozoliņš, Ābece. Latviešu valoda krievu skolām. 2.un 3.klasei. Trešais izdevums [Primer. Latvian for Russian schools. 2nd and 3rd grades. 3rd edition]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1950, 41-42.

[24] O. Ņesterovs, J. Osmanis, Ābece 1.klasei. 2.izdevums [Primer for the 1st grade. 2nd edition].Rīga: Zvaigzne, 1976, 103.

[25] Ibid, 43.

[26] Z. Lubāniete, L. Bērzāja, L. Vuškalne, Ābece 1.klasei [Primer for the 1st grade]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1955, 91; 1973 Maskava, 108.

[27] Numerous studies about the use of visual sources write about the changing interpretation of images in the course of history:  for example, Gillian Rose, Visual Methodologies: An Introduction to the Interpretation of Visual Materials. London: Sage, 2002, 2007; Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing: The Uses of Images as Historical Evidence. London: Reaktion Book Ltd, 2001.

[28] William W.Brickman and John T. Zepper, Russian and Soviet Education, 1731 – 1989. New York&London: Garland Publishing, INC, 1992, 35, 47.

[29] L. Šprunka, Latviešu valodas mācība II un III klasei skolās ar krievu mācību valodu [Latvian for 2^nd and 3^rd grade for Russian language schools] (Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1955), 109.

[30] Quoted from Karin Priem, “Seeing, hearing, reading, writing, speaking and things: on silences, senses and emotions during the “zero hour” in Germany”, Paedagogica Historica, Vol.52 (3), 2016, 294.

[31] Image of the enemy was cultivated in the Soviet Union constantly threatening with war: after the Second World War those were capitalistic countries lead by USA, since 1960 – also China. Militarism in education was escalated also after the beginning of the war in Afghanistan in 1979.

[32] Raquel Cercós, Eulàlia Collelldemont: The Nature as a pedagogical icon. ISCHE 2018 Paper.

[33] Nazi Germany textbooks pictured outdoor activities of children, identical to the Soviet Red Pioneers.

[34] Victoria E. Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, 21.

[35] Gloria Calhoun, Saints Into Soviets: Russian Orthodox Symbolism and Soviet Political Posters. Theses, Gorgia State University, 2014, 34 https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1089&context=history_theses

[36] Kārlis Krauliņš, Ābece. 4.izdevums [Primer. 4th edition]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1946, 59, 68.

[37] Ed. Ozoliņš, Ābece. Latviešu valoda krievu skolām. 2.un 3.klasei. Trešais izdevums [Primer. Latvian for Russian schools. 2nd and 3rd grade. 3rd edition]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1950, 41-42, 62.

[38] Ibid, 1950.

[39] Although Stalin died already in 1953, no serious ideological changes were implemented in the field of education until the 20^th Congress of Communist Party in 1956.

[40] Kārlis Krauliņš, Ābece. 4.izdevums [Primer. 4th edition]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1946.

[41] Zenta Lubāniete, Ābece mājmācībai un bērnu dārziem [Primer for home education and kindergartens]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1949.

[42] Ibid, 1949,  111.

[43] S. A. Zikov, Bukvar dlja skol gluhonemih. Izdanije sedmoje [Primer for def and dumb. 7th editon]. Moskva: Gosudarstvennoje Ucebno-pedagogiceskoje izdatelstvo ministerstva prosvescenija RSFSR, 1951; J. Lauriniene i J. Szczerbinskiene, Elementarz. Wydanie trezecie [Primer. 3rd edition]. Kaunas: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Literatury Pedagogiznej, 1954.

[44] I. V. Barannikov, L.A. Varkovickaja, Russkij jazik v kartinkah. Castj 2 [Russian in pictures. 2nd part]. Moskva: Prosvescenije, 1973, 15; O. Ņesterovs, J. Osmanis, Ābece 1.klasei. 2.izdevums [Primer for the 1st grade. 2nd edition]. Rīga: Zvaigzne, 1976, 94.

[45] Zenta Lubāniete, Ābece mājmācībai un bērnu dārziem [Primer for home education and kindergarten]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1949.

[46] In the program of 1961 USSR Communistic Party anticipated “levelling out of national differences.” See XXII sjezd Kommunisticeskoj patrtiji Sovetskovo Sojuza. 17-31 oktabrja 1961 goda. Stenograficeskij otcjot [22nd Congress of Communist Party of USSR. 17-31 October, 1961. Report]. Moskva: Gosudarstvennoje izdatelstvo politiceskoj literaturi, 1962, 313.

[47] Zenta Lubāniete (sast.), Lasāmā grāmata 2.klasei [Reader for the 2nd grade]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1950, 9.

[48] A. M. Arsenjev et al, red. Ocerki istorii skoli i pedagogiceskoj mislji narodov SSSR, 1941 – 1961gg [History of School and Pedagogical Thought of People of USSR, 1941 – 1961]. Moskva: Pedagogika, 1988, 185.

[49] Kārlis Krauliņš, Ābece. 4.izdevums [Primer. 4th edition]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1946.

[50] V. Citoviča un E. Arbitere, Russkaja recj, 1 klas [Russian for the 1^st grade]. Rīga: Zvaigzne 1982, 86.

[51] Grever M., Van der Viles T. Why National Narratives are perpetuated: A Literature Review on New Insights from History Textbook Research. London Review of Education. 2017. No.15 (2). P. 291.

[52] Karin Priem, “Seeing, hearing, reading, writing, speaking and things: on silences, senses and emotions during the “zero hour” in Germany”, Paedagogica Historica, Vol.52 (3), 2016, 297.

[53] William W.Brickman and John T. Zepper, Russian and Soviet Education, 1731 – 1989. New York&London: Garland Publishing, INC, 1992, 29.

[54] Ibid, 29, 44.

[55] Tatiana R. Zaharchenko, Enviromental Policy in the Soviet Union. Enviromental Law and Policy Journal, No.14, 1990. https://environs.law.ucdavis.edu/volumes/14/1/articles/zaharchenko.pdf

[56] Victoria E. Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters under Lenin and Stalin. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, 139.

[57] Gloria Calhoun, Saints Into Soviets: Russian Orthodox Symbolism and Soviet Political Posters. Theses, Gorgia State University, 2014, 30 https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1089&context=history_theses

[58] Karin Priem, “Seeing, hearing, reading, writing, speaking and things: on silences, senses and emotions during the “zero hour” in Germany”, Paedagogica Historica, Vol.52 (3), 2016, 290.

[59] See also Garth S. Jowett and Victoria O’Donnel, Propaganda and Persuasion. 5^th ed. Sage, 2012, 291.

[60] Karin Priem, “Seeing, hearing, reading, writing, speaking and things: on silences, senses and emotions during the “zero hour” in Germany”, Paedagogica Historica, Vol.52 (3), 2016, 290, 296.

[61] L. Šprunka, Latviešu valodas mācība II un III klasei skolās ar krievu mācību valodu [Latvian for 2^nd and 3^rd grade for Russian language schools]. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1955, 93.

[62] Gloria Calhoun, Saints Into Soviets: Russian Orthodox Symbolism and Soviet Political Posters. Theses, Gorgia State University, 2014, 35 https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1089&context=history_theses

[63] Andreas Musolff, “Language under totalitarian regimes: the example of political discurse in Nazi Germany,” in The Routledge Handbook of Language and Politics (Routledge Handbooks in Linguistics), ed. Ruth Wodak and Bernhard Forchtner New York: Routledge, 2017.

[64] Gloria Calhoun, Saints Into Soviets: Russian Orthodox Symbolism and Soviet Political Posters. Theses, Gorgia State University, 2014, 15 https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1089&context=history_theses

[65] Sergei Prozorov, “The Biopolitics of Stalinism: Ideas and Bodies in Soviet Governmentality” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 38, No. 3, Powers of Life and Death: Biopolitics beyond Foucault (2013), 208-227, 210.

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